Introduction
The question of how social expectations become internal sources regulating academic activity remains one of the central issues in contemporary motivational psychology. Despite the substantial body of research conducted within the framework of self-determination theory (Deci, Ryan, 2000; Ryan, Deci, 2020), the mechanisms through which specific social values associated with educational achievement become internalized remain insufficiently differentiated. In particular, it remains unclear how parental expectations may transform into internal standards regulating adolescents’ academic activity.
According to self-determination theory, motivation is conceptualized as a continuum of regulatory forms differing in their degree of autonomy (Ryan, Connell, 1989; Deci, Ryan, 1985; Ryan, Deci, 2000; Vallerand et al., 1992). External demands may gradually become internalized and integrated into the individual’s psychological structure, giving rise to different forms of self-regulation. Within this framework, Introjected Motives occupy a particular position as partially internalized forms of motivation in which behavior is governed by internal standards of self-evaluation associated with maintaining a positive sense of competence or avoiding negative self-evaluation (Ryan, Connell, 1989; Assor et al., 2009).
This perspective is consistent with the principles of cultural-historical psychology, which emphasizes the social origins of higher psychological functions. According to L.S. Vygotsky, psychological mechanisms initially emerge within interpersonal interaction and are subsequently internalized, becoming internal regulators of behavior (Vygotsky, 1983). Within activity theory, the motivational sphere of personality develops through systems of social relations and activity (Leontiev, 1975; Bozhovich, 1968). Thus, the internalization of social relations may be regarded as a general mechanism underlying the development of internal regulation in academic activity.
From the perspective of self-determination theory, different forms of external motivation vary in their degree of psychological autonomy. Some external demands retain the character of direct control, whereas others become integrated into the individual’s self-evaluative system and begin to function as internal standards (Ryan, Deci, 2000; Ryan, Deci, 2020). In this context, academic activity may be sustained not only by Cognitive Motivation but also by the desire to meet socially significant expectations.
The structure of adolescents’ academic motivation has traditionally been viewed as a multidimensional system that includes various sources regulating academic activity (Markova, 1990). Contemporary psychometric models developed within self-determination theory make it possible to differentiate internal and external forms of academic motivation (Vallerand et al., 1992; Guay et al., 2015). In the original versions of academic motivation questionnaires, the structure of academic motivation is described through Cognitive Motivation and various forms of external regulation. However, a distinct type of motivation reflecting students’ striving to meet parental expectations is not identified within these models.
In the Russian AMS-S methodology, an additional component referred to as parental respect motivation was introduced (Gordeeva et al., 2017). The inclusion of this scale was motivated by the need for a more differentiated description of the sources regulating schoolchildren’s academic activity, since existing categories of external motivation do not fully capture the diversity of social factors influencing adolescents’ academic engagement (Gordeeva, 2015; Gordeeva et al., 2013).
From a conceptual perspective, parental respect motivation may be understood as a form of regulation associated with the internalization of social expectations that acquire personal significance within the structure of self-evaluation (Ryan, Deci, 2000; Assor et al., 2009). In this context, academic activity may function as a means of maintaining a positive perception of one’s competence within relationships with significant adults. Such a mechanism is closely related to controlled forms of motivation in which standards of self-evaluation are shaped by perceived social expectations (Ryan, Connell, 1989).
Particular interest lies in examining this type of motivation within a comparative cultural context. A number of studies suggest that the structure of academic motivation may vary depending on cultural value systems (Chen et al., 2015; Vasquez et al., 2023). The present study examines Russian adolescents and adolescents of Arab origin living in Israel. This sample makes it possible to analyze the role of family expectations in the structure of academic motivation under conditions involving the interaction of different cultural norms and educational values.
Thus, the analysis of parental respect motivation may contribute to clarifying the role of social context in shaping adolescents’ academic motivation and broaden current understanding of the pathways through which educational values become internalized.
The present study aimed to examine the role of parental respect motivation within the structure of adolescents’ academic motivation and to investigate its relationships with Cognitive Motivation, Achievement Motivation, Self-Worth Motivation, and Introjected Motives.
Cultural differences in adolescents’ socialization processes may shape the internalization of parental expectations in different ways. In Arab cultural contexts characterized by stronger collectivistic orientations, family relationships and parental authority often occupy a more central position in the regulation of adolescents’ behavior. This may facilitate the internalization of parental expectations in the form of Introjected Motives accompanied by a stronger sense of duty and the need to meet socially significant standards. In the Russian context, where individualistic and collectivistic orientations coexist in a more heterogeneous manner, the role of parental expectations within the structure of academic motivation may be less pronounced. Within the framework of self-determination theory, this may be reflected in different levels of controlled forms of motivation, including Introjected Motives.
Accordingly, it was hypothesized that differences would exist between Russian adolescents and adolescents of Arab origin living in Israel with regard to parental respect motivation and related components of controlled motivation.
Based on the theoretical framework, the following hypotheses were formulated:
Parental respect motivation demonstrates stronger associations with Introjected Motives and Self-Worth Motivation than with Cognitive Motivation;
The magnitude of these differences may vary depending on developmental stage.
Materials and methods
Participants
The study involved 716 adolescents aged between 13 and 16 years (M = 14,5; SD = 1,1) enrolled in educational institutions in the Russian Federation and Israel. A convenience cluster sampling procedure was used based on schools that agreed to participate in the study.
The Russian sample consisted of 199 students from the Municipal Autonomous General Education Institution “Educational Center Leader” (Moscow Region, Leninsky Urban District): 99 eighth-grade students (50 girls, 49 boys; M = 13,8; SD = 0,4) and 100 tenth-grade students (49 girls, 51 boys; M = 15,6; SD = 0,5).
The Arab sample included 517 students from Arab schools in Israel: 234 eighth-grade students (147 girls, 87 boys; M = 13,9; SD = 0,5) and 283 eleventh-grade students (165 girls, 118 boys; M = 15,7; SD = 0,4).
Group comparability was ensured through correspondence between educational stages in the Russian and Israeli educational systems: eleventh-grade students in Israel were age-equivalent to tenth-grade students in the Russian Federation.
In accordance with the aims of the study, the total sample was divided into two age groups: 13—14 years (333 students: 99 Russian and 234 Arab students) and 15—16 years (383 students: 100 Russian and 283 Arab students).
Participation in the study was voluntary and anonymous. Informed consent was obtained from the adolescents’ parents and the administrations of the participating educational institutions. The study was conducted in accordance with the ethical principles of psychological research.
Measures
To assess the structure of academic motivation, the Schoolchildren’s Academic Motivation Scales (AMS-S), developed on the basis of self-determination theory (Gordeeva et al., 2017), was used.
The instrument assesses different types of academic motivation reflecting both cognitive and socially mediated components of academic activity.
The questionnaire includes eight scales: Cognitive Motivation, Achievement Motivation, Self-Development Motivation, Self-Worth Motivation, Introjected Motives, External Positive Motives (Parental Respect Motivation), External Negative Motives, and Amotivation.
The factorial structure of the instrument has been confirmed using confirmatory factor analysis and demonstrates satisfactory levels of internal consistency (0,72 < α < 0,90).
Procedure
Data collection was conducted in educational institutions in the Russian Federation and Israel in group settings.
Participation in the study was voluntary and anonymous. Respondents were asked to complete a questionnaire designed to assess different aspects of academic motivation. All participants were informed about the aims of the study and provided consent to participate.
Data were processed in an aggregated form without the inclusion of personal identifying information.
Statistical analysis
The nonparametric Mann—Whitney U test was used to analyze differences between independent groups.
Spearman correlation analysis was employed to examine the structure of relationships among the components of academic motivation.
Effect sizes for between-group differences were calculated using the coefficient r (r = Z/√N).
Statistical analyses were performed using the SPSS software package.
Additionally, measurement invariance of the academic motivation structure within the Arab sample was tested using multigroup CFA. The model fit indices indicated acceptable configural, metric, and scalar invariance (CFI = 0,981—0,984; RMSEA = 0,066—0,074; SRMR = 0,080—0,084).
Results
To identify differences in the structure of academic motivation between adolescents of Arab origin and Russian adolescents, the Mann—Whitney U test was applied separately for the two age groups.
The results showed that, in the 13—14-year-old age group (8th grade), adolescents of Arab origin demonstrated higher levels of Achievement Motivation, Self- Development Motivation, Self-Worth Motivation, Introjected Motives, and External Positive Motives (Parental Respect Motivation) compared to Russian adolescents (see Table 1). Differences in Cognitive Motivation, External Negative Motives, and Amotivation were not statistically significant.
In the 15—16-year-old age group (10th—11th grade), differences between the cultural groups remained significant primarily for Introjected Motives and External Positive Motives (Parental Respect Motivation), whereas no statistically significant differences were found for the remaining components of academic motivation (see Table 2).
The findings presented in Tables 1—2 suggest that cultural differences in the structure of academic motivation are more pronounced during early adolescence and partially decrease with age.
The results of the correlation analysis for the different age and cultural groups are presented in Tables 3—6 (see Tables 3—6). The analysis demonstrated that parental respect motivation showed stable positive associations with Introjected Motives (r = 0,309—0,550) and Self-Worth Motivation (r = 0,357—0,595) across all examined groups. At the same time, its associations with Cognitive Motivation were weaker or absent (r = 0,039—0,358). These patterns were observed in both the Russian and Arab samples, suggesting that parental respect motivation is primarily associated with controlled forms of regulation of academic activity.
Table 1
Differences between cultural groups (13—14 years)
|
Scale |
Russian students (M ± SD) |
Arab students (M ± SD) |
Z |
p |
r |
|
1. Cognitive Motivation |
3,63 ± 0,81 |
3,69 ± 0,94 |
–1,000 |
0,317 |
0,05 |
|
2. Achievement Motivation |
2,98 ± 0,97 |
3,69 ± 0,93 |
–5,813 |
<0,001 |
0,32 |
|
3. Self-Development Motivation |
3,66 ± 0,77 |
4,12 ± 0,73 |
–5,147 |
<0,001 |
0,28 |
|
4. Self-Worth Motivation |
3,72 ± 0,82 |
4,23 ± 0,71 |
–5,371 |
<0,001 |
0,29 |
|
5. Introjected Motives |
3,37 ± 0,80 |
3,72 ± 0,73 |
–3,669 |
<0,001 |
0,20 |
|
6. External Positive Motives (Parental Respect Motivation) |
3,26 ± 1,06 |
3,91 ± 0,97 |
–5,212 |
<0,001 |
0,29 |
|
7. External Negative Motives |
2,94 ± 0,91 |
2,88 ± 0,94 |
–0,612 |
0,541 |
0,03 |
|
8. Amotivation |
2,04 ± 0,97 |
1,99 ± 0,93 |
–0,239 |
0,811 |
0,01 |
Table 2
Differences between cultural groups (15—16 years)
|
Scale |
Russian students (M ± SD) |
Arab students (M ± SD) |
Z |
p |
r |
|
1. Cognitive Motivation |
4,00 ± 0,88 |
3,85 ± 0,88 |
–1,431 |
0,152 |
0,07 |
|
2. Achievement Motivation |
3,57 ± 1,05 |
3,69 ± 0,97 |
–0,907 |
0,364 |
0,05 |
|
3. Self-Development Motivation |
4,03 ± 0,85 |
4,05 ± 0,82 |
–0,118 |
0,906 |
0,01 |
|
4. Self-Worth Motivation |
3,89 ± 0,90 |
4,00 ± 0,92 |
–1,332 |
0,183 |
0,07 |
|
5. Introjected Motives |
3,41 ± 0,78 |
3,81 ± 0,83 |
–4,137 |
<0,001 |
0,21 |
|
6. External Positive Motives (Parental Respect Motivation) |
3,18 ± 1,12 |
3,44 ± 1,12 |
–2,150 |
0,032 |
0,11 |
|
7. External Negative Motives |
2,93 ± 0,90 |
3,04 ± 0,98 |
–0,788 |
0,431 |
0,04 |
|
8. Amotivation |
2,09 ± 0,96 |
2,03 ± 1,06 |
–1,084 |
0,278 |
0,06 |
Table 3
Correlation matrix (Arab adolescents 13—14 years)
|
Variables |
1 |
2 |
3 |
4 |
5 |
6 |
7 |
|
1. Cognitive Motivation |
- |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
2. Achievement Motivation |
0,755** |
- |
|
|
|
|
|
|
3. Self-Development Motivation |
0,739** |
0,735** |
- |
|
|
|
|
|
4. Self-Worth Motivation |
0,598** |
0,549** |
0,647** |
- |
|
|
|
|
5.Introjected Motives |
0,415** |
0,371** |
0,489** |
0,514** |
- |
|
|
|
6.External Positive Motives (Parental Respect Motivation) |
0,077 |
0,077 |
0,172** |
0,357** |
0,309** |
- |
|
|
7. External Negative Motives |
–0,027 |
–0,019 |
–0,008 |
0,096 |
0,363** |
0,326** |
- |
|
8.Amotivation |
–0,369** |
–0,356** |
–0,346** |
–0,174** |
–0,064 |
0,219** |
0,296** |
Note: «*» — p ≤ 0,05; «**» — p ≤ 0,01 (two-tailed).
Table 4
Correlation matrix (Arab adolescents 15—16 years)
|
Variables |
1 |
2 |
3 |
4 |
5 |
6 |
7 |
|
1. Cognitive Motivation |
- |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
2. Мотивация достижения / Achievement Motivation |
0,711** |
- |
|
|
|
|
|
|
3. Self-Development Motivation |
0,786** |
0,737** |
- |
|
|
|
|
|
4. Self-Worth Motivation |
0,639** |
0,532** |
0,718** |
- |
|
|
|
|
5. Introjected Motives |
0,442** |
0,403** |
0,564** |
0,681** |
- |
|
|
|
6. External Positive Motives (Parental Respect Motivation) |
0,358** |
0,243** |
0,384** |
0,595** |
0,550** |
- |
|
|
7. External Negative Motives |
0,101 |
0,137* |
0,135* |
0,325** |
0,441** |
0,544** |
- |
|
8.Amotivation |
–0,325** |
–0,184** |
–0,306** |
–0,103 |
0,048 |
0,177** |
0,418** |
Note: “*” — p ≤ 0.05; “**” — p ≤ 0.01 (two-tailed).
Table 5
Correlation matrix (Russian adolescents 13—14 years)
|
Variables |
1 |
2 |
3 |
4 |
5 |
6 |
7 |
|
1. Cognitive Motivation |
- |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
2. Achievement Motivation |
0,675** |
- |
|
|
|
|
|
|
3. Self-Development Motivation |
0,741** |
0,710** |
- |
|
|
|
|
|
4. Self-Worth Motivation |
0,515** |
0,575** |
0,668** |
- |
|
|
|
|
5. Introjected Motives |
0,200* |
0,290** |
0,368** |
0,505** |
- |
|
|
|
6. External Positive Motives (Parental Respect Motivation) |
0,039 |
0,129 |
0,201* |
0,390** |
0,533** |
- |
|
|
7. External Negative Motives |
–0,157 |
0,023 |
0,030 |
0,172 |
0,545** |
0,623** |
- |
|
8. Amotivation |
–0,540** |
–0,477** |
–0,550** |
–0,406** |
–0,213* |
–0,115 |
0,037 |
Note: “*” — p ≤ 0,05; “**” — p ≤ 0,01 (two-tailed).
Table 6
Correlation matrix (Russian adolescents 15—16 years)
|
Variables |
1 |
2 |
3 |
4 |
5 |
6 |
7 |
|
1. Cognitive Motivation |
- |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
2. Achievement Motivation |
0,817** |
- |
|
|
|
|
|
|
3. Self-Development Motivation |
0,828** |
0,820** |
- |
|
|
|
|
|
4. Self-Worth Motivation |
0,664** |
0,664** |
0,712** |
- |
|
|
|
|
5. Introjected Motives |
0,356** |
0,202* |
0,431** |
0,508** |
- |
|
|
|
6.External Positive Motives (Parental Respect Motivation) |
0,138 |
0,145 |
0,181 |
0,391** |
0,381** |
- |
|
|
7. Экстернальные негативные мотивы / External Negative Motives |
–0,035 |
–0,106 |
0,044 |
0,165 |
0,446** |
0,527** |
- |
|
8.Amotivation |
–0,461** |
–0,383** |
–0,319** |
–0,223* |
0,135 |
0,139 |
0,382** |
Note: “*” — p ≤ 0,05; “**” — p ≤ 0,01 (two-tailed).
Discussion
The findings of the present study clarify the role of parental respect motivation within the structure of adolescents’ academic motivation from the perspectives of self-determination theory and cultural-historical psychology. In line with the initial hypotheses, parental respect motivation demonstrated stronger associations with Introjected Motives and Self-Worth Motivation than with Cognitive Motivation. This suggests its association with controlled forms of self-regulation, in which internal standards of self-evaluation are shaped under the influence of perceived social expectations (Ryan, Connell, 1989; Ryan, Deci, 2000).
The findings may be interpreted within the framework of self-determination theory as a manifestation of Introjected Motives, in which external social demands, including parental expectations, become partially internalized and are subsequently experienced as internal obligations of the student.
In the present study, parental respect motivation is conceptualized as a form of Introjected Motives located at the boundary between external and internal motivation and reflecting the partial internalization of social norms.
From the perspective of self-determination theory, Introjected Motives represent partially internalized forms of motivation in which activity is maintained through the desire to preserve positive self-evaluation or avoid feelings of guilt and shame (Ryan, Connell, 1989; Assor et al., 2009). The stable association of parental respect motivation with Introjected Motives and Self- Worth Motivation indicates that orientation toward parental expectations becomes an internal criterion for evaluating one’s own academic success. Its relatively weak association with Cognitive Motivation suggests that striving to meet parental expectations is not necessarily accompanied by a strong interest in the content of academic activity itself. This interpretation is consistent with the distinction between autonomous and controlled forms of motivation (Deci, Ryan, 1985; Ryan, Deci, 2020).
Within the framework of cultural-historical psychology, the identified patterns reflect the process of internalization of social relations, whereby external demands from significant adults are transformed into internal mechanisms of self-regulation (Vygotsky, 1983). Parental expectations, as part of the adolescent’s social situation of development, acquire personal significance and become incorporated into the structure of self-evaluation (Bozhovich, 1968; Leontiev, 1975). Thus, parental respect motivation may be understood as a specific mechanism of internalization of educational values that develops within family relationships and supports academic activity through internal standards of self-evaluation.
The observed cultural differences confirm that the role of family expectations in the structure of academic motivation depends on the sociocultural context. Higher levels of parental respect motivation and Introjected Motives among adolescents of Arab origin in the younger age group, compared to Russian adolescents, indicate a stronger orientation toward meeting family expectations as a source of regulation of academic activity. These findings are consistent with cross-cultural studies demonstrating that the structure of academic motivation and the significance of basic psychological needs may vary across cultural contexts (Chen et al., 2015; Vasquez et al., 2023).
These differences may be explained by the sociocultural context in which adolescents’ academic motivation develops. Higher levels of Achievement Motivation, Self-Worth Motivation, and Introjected Motives among Arab students reflect the increased significance of family expectations and intergenerational obligations within the structure of social relations. In a number of cultural contexts, educational achievement is viewed not only as an individual accomplishment but also as an indicator of family success as a whole, thereby strengthening the role of parental expectations as a source of regulation of academic activity (Chen et al., 2015).
From a cultural-psychological perspective, these differences are associated with a pronounced orientation toward interdependence and the maintenance of significant relationships with adults. Under such conditions, academic activity becomes a means of confirming adolescents’ social responsibility and maintaining a positive family identity. Parental expectations function as normative guidelines shaping adolescents’ perceptions of appropriate effort and educational achievement (Ryan, Deci, 2000).
An additional factor is the social significance of education as a resource for social mobility, which strengthens the role of controlled forms of regulation of academic activity (Ryan, Deci, 2020). As a result, the desire to meet family expectations is transformed from an external demand into an internal standard incorporated into the system of self-evaluation (Assor et al., 2009).
The reduction of intercultural differences in the older age group appears to be associated with age-related changes in the structure of self-regulation. As adolescents mature, personal goals and interests become increasingly important, leading to a relative decline in the significance of external reference points, including parental expectations. This trend reflects general developmental patterns of motivation during adolescence (Gnambs, Hanfstingl, 2016; Froiland, Worrell, 2020).
The stable associations between parental respect motivation and Self-Worth Motivation across both age groups further confirm its integration into adolescents’ self-evaluative system. In this context, academic activ ity functions as a means of maintaining a positive perception of one’s competence in relationships with significant adults (Ryan, Deci, 2000). Such a mechanism is consistent with the idea that the internalization of social expectations is accompanied by the formation of internal standards of self-evaluation related to beliefs about appropriate behavior and success (Bozhovich, 1968).
Thus, parental respect motivation represents a culturally mediated component of the structure of academic motivation predominantly associated with controlled forms of regulation of academic activity. The findings expand current understanding of the mechanisms through which educational values become internalized and emphasize the central role of the family context in the development of motivational processes during adolescence (Deci, Ryan, 2000; Ryan, Deci, 2020).
Future research perspectives are associated with a more detailed analysis of the mechanisms of internalization of motivation across different cultural contexts using psychometric approaches to the assessment of measurement invariance.
Conclusion
The findings of the present study make it possible to clarify the position of parental respect motivation within the structure of adolescents’ academic motivation and to conceptualize this type of motivation as a specific form of regulation of academic activity associated with the internalization of socially mediated expectations. Unlike Cognitive Motivation, which reflects interest in the content of academic activity, parental respect motivation demonstrates stronger associations with Introjected Motives and Self-Worth Motivation, indicating its connection with mechanisms of self-evaluative regulation.
The results suggest that parental respect motivation occupies an intermediate position between External Negative Motives and Introjected Motives. Although this motive originates from a social source, its regulatory function is realized through internalized standards of self-evaluation. This makes it possible to conceptualize this type of motivation as a relationally mediated mechanism of self-regulation of academic activity that develops through adolescents’ interactions with significant adults.
The comparative analysis of Russian adolescents and adolescents of Arab origin living in Israel demonstrated that differences between the groups are manifested primarily in the components of controlled motivation, whereas the level of Cognitive Motivation appears comparable across cultural contexts. These findings suggest that cultural characteristics primarily influence the ways in which academic achievement is interpreted and incorporated into the system of personal values, rather than the level of cognitive interest itself.
Age-related differences indicate a possible developmental dynamic in the role of social expectations within the structure of academic motivation. More pronounced differences during early adolescence may reflect the greater significance of family-related factors in the formation of standards of self-evaluation at this stage of development. In older adolescence, the structure of academic motivation becomes more homogeneous, which may reflect the gradual expansion of sources of self-regulation and the increasing autonomy of adolescents.
From a theoretical perspective, the findings refine current understanding of the structure of academic motivation by demonstrating that external motivation is not a homogeneous category and may include different forms of internalization depending on the source of social expectations.
The practical significance of the study lies in the possibility of conducting a more differentiated analysis of the sources of adolescents’ academic motivation and in considering the role of family expectations in the development of educational strategies aimed at supporting academic engagement.
Overall, the findings allow parental respect motivation to be considered a specific pathway through which educational values become internalized, the significance of which may vary depending on cultural context and developmental characteristics.
Limitations. Limitations of the study are related to the correlational design, which does not allow conclusions about causal relationships between components of academic motivation. In addition, the data are based on self-reports, which may limit the accuracy of the assessment of motivational processes.
The sample of Arab adolescents was recruited in educational institutions in Israel, which may limit the generalizability of the results to other Arab cultural contexts. The Russian sample was collected from a single educational institution, whereas the Arab sample included students from several schools, which may also limit generalizability.
Measurement invariance across the Russian and Arab samples was not tested, which limits the possibility of direct comparison of the factor structure of academic motivation across cultural groups.